Page 490 - untitled
P. 490

Peter J. Wallison                    461


                         25
         Association (MBA).  Th  is data allows a comparison between the foreclosure starts
         that have thus far come out of the 1997-2007 bubble and the foreclosure starts in the
         two most recent housing bubbles (1977-1979 and 1985-1989) shown in Figure 1.
         Aft er the housing bubble that ended in 1979, when almost all mortgages were prime
         loans of the traditional type, foreclosure starts in the ensuing downturn reached a
         high point of only .87 percent in 1983. Aft er the next bubble, which ended in 1989
         and in which a high proportion of the loans were the traditional type, foreclosure
         starts reached a high of 1.32 percent in 1994. However, aft er the collapse of the
         1997-2007 bubble—in which half of all mortgages were NTMs—foreclosure starts
         reached the unprecedented level (thus far) of 5.3 percent in 2009. And this was true
         despite numerous government and bank eff orts to prevent or delay foreclosures.
              All the foregoing data is signifi cant for a proper analysis of the role of
         government policy and NTMs in the fi nancial crisis. What it suggests is that
         whatever eff ect low interest rates or money fl ows from abroad might have had in
         creating the great U.S. housing bubble, the defl ation of that bubble need not have
         been destructive. It wasn’t just the size of the bubble; it was also the content. Th e
         enormous delinquency rates in the U.S. (see Table 3 below) were not replicated
         elsewhere, primarily because other developed countries did not have the numbers
         of NTMs that were present in the U.S. fi nancial system when the bubble defl ated.
         As shown in later sections of this dissent, these mortgage defaults were translated
         into huge housing price declines and from there—through the PMBS they were
         holding—into actual or apparent fi nancial weakness in the banks and other fi rms
         that held these securities.
              Accordingly, if the 1997-2007 housing bubble had not been seeded with an
         unprecedented number of NTMs, it is likely that the fi nancial crisis would never
         have occurred.


                            3. Delinquency Rates
                     on Nontraditional Mortgages
              NTMs are non-traditional because, for many years before the government
         adopted aff ordable housing policies, mortgages of this kind constituted only a
                                                     26
         small portion of all housing loans in the United States.  Th  e traditional residential
         mortgage—known as a conventional mortgage—generally had a fi xed rate, oft en
         for 15 or 30 years, a downpayment of 10 to 20 percent, and was made to a borrower
         who had a job, a steady income and a good credit record. Before the GSE Act, even
         subprime loans, although made to borrowers with impaired credit, oft en involved
         substantial downpayments or existing equity in homes. 27
              Table 3 shows the delinquency rates of the NTMs that were outstanding on
         June 30, 2008. Th  e grayed area contains virtually all the NTMs. Th  e contrast in
         quality, based on delinquency rates, between these loans and Fannie and Freddie
         prime loans in lines 9 and 10 is clear.
         25   Mortgage Bankers Association National Delinquency Survey.
         26   See Pinto, “Government Housing Policies in the Lead-Up to the Financial Crisis: A Forensic Study,”
         November 4, 2010, p.58, http://www.aei.org/docLib/Government-Housing-Policies-Financial-Crisis-
         Pinto-102110.pdf.
         27  Id., p.42.
   485   486   487   488   489   490   491   492   493   494   495