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THE CDO MACHINE                                               


         lion of mortgage-related securities, of which  were rated BBB or lower,  A,
         and the rest higher than A. To fund those purchases, Kleros III issued  billion of
         bonds to investors. As was typical for this type of CDO at the time, roughly  of
         the Kleros III bonds were triple-A-rated. At least half of the below-triple-A tranches
         issued by Kleros III went into other CDOs. 

         “Mother’s milk to the . . . market”
         The growth of CDOs had important impacts on the mortgage market itself. CDO man-
         agers who were eager to expand the assets that they were managing—on which their in-
         come was based—were willing to pay high prices to accumulate BBB-rated tranches of
         mortgage-backed securities. This “CDO bid” pushed up market prices on those
         tranches, pricing out of the market traditional investors in mortgage-backed securities.
            Informed institutional investors such as insurance companies had purchased the
         private-label mortgage–backed securities issued in the s. These securities were
         typically protected from losses by bond insurers, who had analyzed the deals as well.
         Beginning in the late s, mortgage-backed securities that were structured with six
         or more tranches and other features to protect the triple-A investors became more
         common, replacing the earlier structures that had relied on bond insurance to pro-
         tect investors. By , the earlier forms of mortgage-backed securities had essen-
         tially vanished, leaving the market increasingly to the multitranche structures and
         their CDO investors.
            This was a critical development, given that the focus of CDO managers differed
         from that of traditional investors. “The CDO manager and the CDO investor are not
         the same kind of folks [as the monoline bond insurers], who just backed away,” Adel-
         son said. “They’re mostly not mortgage professionals, not real estate professionals.
         They are derivatives folks.” 
            Indeed, Chau, the CDO manager, portrayed his job as creating structures that rat-
         ing agencies would approve and investors would buy, and making sure the mortgage-
         backed securities that he bought “met industry standards.” He said that he relied on
         the rating agencies. “Unfortunately, what lulled a lot of investors, and I’m in that
         camp as well, what lulled us into that sense of comfort was that the rating stability
         was so solid and that it was so consistent. I mean, the rating agencies did a very good
                                      
         job of making everything consistent.” CDO production was effectively on autopilot.
         “Mortgage traders speak lovingly of ‘the CDO bid.’ It is mother’s milk to the . . .
         market,” James Grant, a market commentator, wrote in . “Without it, fewer as-
         set-backed structures could be built, and those that were would have to meet a much
         more conservative standard of design. The resulting pangs of credit withdrawal
         would certainly be felt in the residential real-estate market.” 
            UBS’s Global CDO Group agreed, noting that CDOs “have now become bullies in
         their respective collateral markets.” By promoting an increase in both the volume and
         the price of mortgage-backed securities, bids from CDOs had “an impact on the
                                                         
         overall U.S. economy that goes well beyond the CDO market.” Without the demand
         for mortgage-backed securities from CDOs, lenders would have been able to sell
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