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             FINANCIAL CRISIS INQUIRY COMMISSION REPORT


         evaluations of Enron. The scandal cost Citigroup, JP Morgan, CIBC, Merrill Lynch,
         and other financial institutions more than  million in settlements with the SEC;
         Citigroup, JP Morgan, CIBC, Lehman Brothers, and Bank of America paid another
                                                    
         . billion to investors to settle class action lawsuits. In response, the Sarbanes-
         Oxley Act of  required the personal certification of financial reports by CEOs
         and CFOs; independent audit committees; longer jail sentences and larger fines for
         executives who misstate financial results; and protections for whistleblowers.
           Some firms that lent to companies that failed during the stock market bust were
         successfully hedged, having earlier purchased credit default swaps on these firms.
         Regulators seemed to draw comfort from the fact that major banks had succeeded in
         transferring losses from those relationships to investors through these and other
         hedging transactions. In November , Fed Chairman Greenspan said credit de-
         rivatives “appear to have effectively spread losses” from defaults by Enron and other
         large corporations. Although he conceded the market was “still too new to have been
         tested” thoroughly, he observed that “to date, it appears to have functioned well.” 
         The following year, Fed Vice Chairman Roger Ferguson noted that “the most re-
         markable fact regarding the banking industry during this period is its resilience and
         retention of fundamental strength.” 
           This resilience led many executives and regulators to presume the financial sys-
         tem had achieved unprecedented stability and strong risk management. The Wall
         Street banks’ pivotal role in the Enron debacle did not seem to trouble senior Fed of-
         ficials. In a memorandum to the FCIC, Richard Spillenkothen described a presenta-
         tion to the Board of Governors in which some Fed governors received details of the
         banks’ complicity “coolly” and were “clearly unimpressed” by analysts’ findings. “The
         message to some supervisory staff was neither ambiguous nor subtle,” Spillenkothen
         wrote. Earlier in the decade, he remembered, senior economists at the Fed had called
         Enron an example of a derivatives market participant successfully regulated by mar-
         ket discipline without government oversight. 
           The Fed cut interest rates aggressively in order to contain damage from the dot-
         com and telecom bust, the terrorist attacks, and the financial market scandals. In Jan-
         uary , the federal funds rate, the overnight bank-to-bank lending rate, was ..
         By mid-, the Fed had cut that rate to just , the lowest in half a century, where
         it stayed for another year. In addition, to offset the market disruptions following the
         / attacks, the Fed flooded the financial markets with money by purchasing more
         than  billion in government securities and lending  billion to banks. It also
         suspended restrictions on bank holding companies so the banks could make large
         loans to their securities affiliates. With these actions the Fed prevented a protracted
         liquidity crunch in the financial markets during the fall of , just as it had done
         during the  stock market crash and the  Russian crisis.
           Why wouldn’t the markets assume the central bank would act again—and again
         save the day? Two weeks before the Fed cut short-term rates in January , the
         Economist anticipated it: “the ‘Greenspan put’ is once again the talk of Wall Street. . . .
         The idea is that the Federal Reserve can be relied upon in times of crisis to come to
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