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Peter J. Wallison                    449


         of all the Commission’s work. Th  e Commission members did not get together to
         discuss or decide on the causes of the fi nancial crisis until July, 2010, well aft er it was
         too late to direct the activities of the staff . Th  e Commission interviewed hundreds of
         witnesses, and the majority’s report is full of statements such as “Smith told the FCIC
         that….” However, unless the meeting was public, the commissioners were not told
         that an interview would occur, did not know who was being interviewed, were not
         encouraged to attend, and of course did not have an opportunity to question these
         sources or understand the contexts in which the quoted statements were made. Th e
         Commission majority’s report uses these opinions as substitutes for data, which is
         notably lacking in their report; opinions in general are not worth much, especially
         in hindsight and when given without opportunity for challenge.
              Th  e Commission’s authorizing statute required that the Commission report
         on or before December 15, 2010. Th  e original plan was for us to start seeing draft s
         of the report in April. We didn’t see any draft s until November. We were then given
         an opportunity to submit comments in writing, but never had an opportunity to go
         over the wording as a group or to know whether our comments were accepted. We
         received a complete copy of the majority’s report, for the fi rst time, on December 15.
         It was almost 900 double-spaced pages long. Th  e date for approval of the report was
         eight days later, on December 23. Th  at is not the way to achieve a bipartisan report,
         or the full agreement of any group that takes the issues seriously.
              Th  is dissenting statement is organized as follows: Part I summarizes the main
         points of the dissent. Part II describes how the failure of subprime and other high
         risk mortgages drove the growth of the bubble and weakened fi nancial institutions
         around the world when these mortgages began to default. Part III outlines in detail
         the housing policies of the U.S. government that were primarily responsible for the
         fact that approximately one half of all U.S. mortgages in 2007 were subprime or
         otherwise of low quality. Part IV is a brief conclusion.
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